Интерфакс: В Белоруссии признаны экстремистскими материалами сайты изданий "Хартия 97", "Радыё Рацыя" и независимого профсоюза "РЭП", сообщила Генпрокуратура республики. Хартия 97 %. Нелегалы на границе с Беларусью повредили автомобиль польских пограничников. Белорусские новости - Республика Беларусь - Минск. С 24 января сайт «Хартии» включили в список ограниченного доступа для провайдеров на основании решения Министерства информации.
"Хартия’97" признана экстремистским формированием
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В Белоруссии был заблокирован оппозиционный сайт «Хартия-97» | #казанский #новости #войнавукраине2022 #новостиукраины #новини #новинионлайн #новиниукраїни #новости #свежиеновости У своєму відео Денис Казанський @Denis YouTube. |
Экстремистским признан Telegram-канал "Хартия 97" | СмартПресс | Экстремистскими материалами признаны в Белоруссии сайты изданий «Хартия 97», «Радыё Рацыя» и независимого профсоюза «РЭП», сообщила 25 февраля генпрокуратура республики. |
Хартия-97% — телеграмм канал
Власти города отреагировали так же, как это веками... Проводились проверки, работали комиссии. Но все почему-то откладывалось. Основаниями, которые ускорили проведение этого совещания, стали громкие скандалы, в частности, история главного инженера МЗКТ Андрея Головача, который просидел в тюрьме четыре года и был дважды оправдан судом. И вот 20 августа Лукашенко наконец провел обещанное совещание.
И назвал его историческим. Похоже, что это действительно так...
По какой причине начались блокировки данных ресурсов для частных пользователей, у официальных источников выяснить не удалось. При этом первый замминистра информации Игорь Луцкий сообщил, что никаких мер по ограничению доступа к данным ресурсам министерство не применяет. В Оперативно-аналитическом центре при президенте комментировать ситуацию по телефону отказались. Владелец и основатель портала TUT. BY Юрий Зиссер предположил, что «Хартия» и «Белорусский партизан» не открываются у частных пользователей интернета из-за объединения двух списков ограниченного доступа.
По информации electroname. Даже государственный byfly не стал сразу блокировать Хартию и Партизан. За невыполнение распоряжения операторов могут ждать санкции, вплоть до лишения лицензии, и обнадеживаться не стоит - блокировка заработает у всех белорусских провайдеров в ближайшие дни.
Никаких дополнительных предупреждений и решений того же Мининформа не потребовалось. РУП "БелГИЭ" просто включило в новый список все сайты, которые находились в прежнем, действовавшим только для госструктур, учреждений образования и культуры.
You should also take seriously the recent protest of criminals in Lida, where on July 9 SOBR suppressed a gang meeting, and later in one of the residential neighborhoods, there was a clash with the use of cold weapons by supporters of the thief in law Alexander Kushnerov.
Where do the legs of the Belarusian underworld come from? The domestic criminal world is under the constant repressive influence of law enforcement agencies, and various criminal authorities, unlike their "colleagues" in several neighboring states, have not been able to integrate into the ruling circles, the business elite and do not have any serious influence on the situation in the country. The system of governing the underworld, its hierarchy, where the highest position is occupied by the so-called thieves in law, whose power is maintained through a kind of vertical of "overseers" and "supporters", is of great importance After the collapse of the USSR, the top of the criminals retained not only the old "concepts" rules of conduct in the criminal world , but also contacts with each other, and the Russian-speaking "lads" seeks to coordinate efforts, despite the different geopolitical orientations of the states that emerged on the site of the former Soviet republics.
That is, we are talking about the fact that the Belarusian criminal environment is closely connected with similar circles in the post-Soviet space, primarily the Russian Federation, and many processes taking place in Belarus are echoes of events in the post-Soviet criminal world. Therefore, the criminal war that unfolded in Russia between the clans of thieves-in-law Tariel Oniani Taro and Aslan Usoyan Ded Hasan , which led to the murder of the latter in 2013, could not but have a Belarusian projection. The newly minted thief in law, who was replaced by 15 years of imprisonment back in the 1990s with an exceptional punishment for double murder, began to actively place his "watchers" and tried to infuse fresh blood into the half-dead bandit underground.
This is how they appeared in our country. Naturally, an irreconcilable struggle for influence in the criminal world and directly in prisons developed between Kushner and the Quartet, which continues to this day. For Belarus, as for a country free of organized crime, the activation of bandits is a wake-up call that requires prompt adoption of appropriate measures.
The social network in which you pay monthly to access exclusive photos and videos has been running for four years, but today we can read articles like this because there are contestants on Belarusian television programs that publish their raunchy content there. Can you say that OnlyFans is the Patreon of porn? You can, although not all people who use this social network are dedicated to teaching cheek.
But it is as if we said that Pornhub is also a documentary website because it recently published one about a lesbian club in Los Angeles. OnlyFans non-pornographic exceptions include athletes fitness sector , nutritionists, and models who publish their content there. A rather rare practice, being able to use Patreon, which is much better known than OnlyFans and more economically profitable for creators, as we will see in a while.
What is exactly OnlyFans and what is its impact in Belarus? It is a social network that emerged in 2016 as a copy of Patreon, online since 2013. According to their figures, they have 8 million users and 70,000 creators.
Its foundation is the same as that of Patreon: in exchange for a subscription that usually goes from about 5 to 20 euros per month but that can go up to 46 euros, you access photos and videos that are only published there. You can also chat with the author of the content and, something exclusive to OF, give you a tip in exchange for content specially designed for you. But the main difference is in the type of content you can see.
In Patreon, there are rarely nudes, unless they can be justified as art or artistic photography. At OnlyFans it is very rare to see people dressed. Or standing up.
Porn abounds with OnlyFans. Above all, there are gonzo single scenes without the slightest plot and solo games that last between 5 and 10 minutes. Professional but above all amateur content, both real people whose main occupation is not porno and fake people who say that it is their first scene and it turns out that they have their directory on Xvideos with 175 clips.
But the platform has not only captivated many porn professionals who saw that the most popular social networks censored their claims right now it can only be shown on Twitter. OnlyFans is also attracting the attention of non-professional porn divisions. Amateurs who want to try something manageable where they have control.
Couples used to test themselves that when they see a porno , and they mutter that they could do better.
В Беларуси заблокировали сайт «Хартии’97»
Министерство информации Беларуси заблокировало сайт издания «Хартия'97». Об этом 25 января сообщили на сайте ведомства.«Хартию'97» заблокировали на. Белорусские нов сохранено 8 май 2020 12:24:16 UTC. постоянно в течение дня. Подписывайтесь одним нажатием! Интерфакс: В Белоруссии признаны экстремистскими материалами сайты изданий "Хартия 97", "Радыё Рацыя" и независимого профсоюза "РЭП", сообщила Генпрокуратура республики. последние новости в стране и Мире. 10 лет — Хартия’97:: Новости из Беларуси — Белорусские новости — Республика Беларусь — Минск (неопр.). Село имеет стратегическое значение — украинские боевики окопались там после потери Артемовска.
В Беларуси признан экстремистским Telegram-канал «Хартия-97%»
Хартия 97 новости белоруссии. С 25 марта в Беларуси начали блокировать оппозиционные сайты для всех белорусских интернет-пользователей. читайте последние публикации издания на русском языке: Хартыя'97 (Белоруссия): сколько денег выслали на родину белорусы из России Переговоры Байдена и Путина: власть в Минске будет еще сильнее нервничать и совершать новые ошибки (Хартыя'97.
Экстремистские организации и формирования
- Из Википедии — свободной энциклопедии
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Сайт «Хартии 97» признан в Белоруссии экстремистским
В канун XXI века в центре Европы установился диктаторский режим. Мы верим, что наша Родина достойна свободы и процветания. Мы верим, что именно такой сделают её наши совместные усилия. Нас вдохновляет пример свободных народов, которые прошли этот путь раньше нас. Люди в этих странах получили возможность свободно строить свою жизнь и добиваться благополучия.
Мы не можем мириться с произволом, попранием законов, преступлениями против всего народа и отдельной личности. Мы будем солидарны с каждым, кто борется за свои права, добивается свободы и благосостояния для себя и своей семьи. Мы придерживаемся разных политических взглядов и религиозных верований, но нас объединяет любовь к свободе и Отечеству. Фундаментом нашей готовности к совместным действиям по освобождению белорусского народа станет уважение к взглядам и вере друг друга.
Наша солидарность победит насилие и бессовестную ложь.
The four officially registered candidates Andrei Dmitriev, Anna Kanopatskaya, Sergei Tcheretchen and Svetlana Tikhanovskaya were only allowed two hours of air in the national media each. Meanwhile, the activities of the president received ample media coverage — which was overwhelmingly positive, of course. His traditional address to members of the Parliament and the nation, initially scheduled for mid-April, had been rescheduled for August 4, five days before the election. This was supplemented by a violent crackdown on journalists and a total shutdown of the Internet on election day. At the same time, some candidates had reported intimidation of their collaborators, and numerous arbitrary arrests had been reported throughout the campaign. The possibilities of supervising the electoral process were greatly reduced: the only foreign observation mission was the one delegated to the CIS Interparliamentary Assembly the counter-model of the OSCE missions , and the access of independent observers at polling stations was deliberately made very difficult.
Besides, the early voting procedure, regularly denounced as a major tool for forgery, was launched five days before the official date of August 9. On election night, in anticipation of protests, an imposing repressive apparatus was mobilized in the capital. The outburst of violence by law enforcement officials against protesters far exceeded that of 2010. However, despite all these means used to avoid media coverage and dismiss any attempt to challenge the results, the election exposed the growing unpopularity of the president and the weariness of a large part of the population ready to mobilize to support a complete unknown as soon as it embodies the idea of change. Available soon in English and Russian. It is important to clarify that this is not a politician representing an opposition party. Its brilliant and original campaign on social media and alternative media such as the news portal tut.
Their appeal to the three other registered candidates and their pledge to the opposition parties to withdraw in favor of a single candidacy against Lukashenko was not followed up. Moreover, the attempt to nominate a single candidate representing all opposition parties and movements in the primaries organized in February 2020 had already failed. In the end, it was not the ties to the historic opposition, but the inventiveness and use of new technologies in a country more connected than one might think that made the difference with previous campaigns. His campaign was articulated not around socio-economic issues but demands for political freedom and the rule of law. The percentage of this elderly and predominantly rural electorate has gradually declined, to the benefit of the new, younger, and urban generations. Their demand to restore dignity to the Belarusian people has found a much wider echo than the empty promises of salary increases the president has made, including among his traditional electorate. His clumsy handling of the coronavirus crisis only underscored the archaic nature of his power.
In the space of a week, the entire Belarusian population, known until then apolitical, mobilized through well-attended demonstrations despite the repression, a general strike and multiple street actions solidarity chains women dressed in white and carrying flowers, horns for motorists, etc. Civil society, whose absence the Belarusian opposition had long lamented, has revealed itself and the world. An unexpected geopolitical challenge The electoral deadline was to take place in an international context rather than favorable to Lukashenko. If the freedoms given by the 1994 Constitution during the multiple parodies of electoral consultations that his government organized have long earned it strong criticism from Western countries, accompanied by a series of sanctions, the situation had calmed down these last years. His return to favor with the international community was linked to his skillful mediation position during the Ukrainian crisis, and to a few gestures of openness towards the political opposition which allowed the lifting of European sanctions and the initiation of some cooperation projects with the EU. Thus, the main regional players appeared relatively neutral ahead of the election. This caution was completely understandable given the dramatic consequences of the Ukrainian crisis.
The EU sought above all to avoid provoking Russia so as not to give it the pretext to intervene militarily, but also not to jeopardize the path towards normalization which is looming in Russian-European relations. No one had an interest in the emergence of a new hotbed of instability in Europe. This new "revolution of dignity" has launched an unexpected challenge as much to the EU, absorbed in the management of the coronavirus crisis, and the Brexit, as to Russia, plunged into the economic crisis following the fall in prices of the oil. EU authorities responded first with a call to end the violence and recount the votes, followed by threats of sanctions against the regime and a proposal for mediation. The demand by the leaders of many Western countries, primarily Poland and the Baltic States, to hold new elections has prompted Lukashenko to turn around and return to the classic Western plot scenario.
За невыполнение распоряжения операторов могут ждать санкции, вплоть до лишения лицензии, и обнадеживаться не стоит - блокировка заработает у всех белорусских провайдеров в ближайшие дни. Никаких дополнительных предупреждений и решений того же Мининформа не потребовалось. РУП "БелГИЭ" просто включило в новый список все сайты, которые находились в прежнем, действовавшим только для госструктур, учреждений образования и культуры.
В распоряжение electroname. Зеркала charter97.
The four officially registered candidates Andrei Dmitriev, Anna Kanopatskaya, Sergei Tcheretchen and Svetlana Tikhanovskaya were only allowed two hours of air in the national media each. Meanwhile, the activities of the president received ample media coverage — which was overwhelmingly positive, of course. His traditional address to members of the Parliament and the nation, initially scheduled for mid-April, had been rescheduled for August 4, five days before the election. This was supplemented by a violent crackdown on journalists and a total shutdown of the Internet on election day. At the same time, some candidates had reported intimidation of their collaborators, and numerous arbitrary arrests had been reported throughout the campaign. The possibilities of supervising the electoral process were greatly reduced: the only foreign observation mission was the one delegated to the CIS Interparliamentary Assembly the counter-model of the OSCE missions , and the access of independent observers at polling stations was deliberately made very difficult. Besides, the early voting procedure, regularly denounced as a major tool for forgery, was launched five days before the official date of August 9.
On election night, in anticipation of protests, an imposing repressive apparatus was mobilized in the capital. The outburst of violence by law enforcement officials against protesters far exceeded that of 2010. However, despite all these means used to avoid media coverage and dismiss any attempt to challenge the results, the election exposed the growing unpopularity of the president and the weariness of a large part of the population ready to mobilize to support a complete unknown as soon as it embodies the idea of change. Available soon in English and Russian. It is important to clarify that this is not a politician representing an opposition party. Its brilliant and original campaign on social media and alternative media such as the news portal tut. Their appeal to the three other registered candidates and their pledge to the opposition parties to withdraw in favor of a single candidacy against Lukashenko was not followed up. Moreover, the attempt to nominate a single candidate representing all opposition parties and movements in the primaries organized in February 2020 had already failed. In the end, it was not the ties to the historic opposition, but the inventiveness and use of new technologies in a country more connected than one might think that made the difference with previous campaigns.
His campaign was articulated not around socio-economic issues but demands for political freedom and the rule of law. The percentage of this elderly and predominantly rural electorate has gradually declined, to the benefit of the new, younger, and urban generations. Their demand to restore dignity to the Belarusian people has found a much wider echo than the empty promises of salary increases the president has made, including among his traditional electorate. His clumsy handling of the coronavirus crisis only underscored the archaic nature of his power. In the space of a week, the entire Belarusian population, known until then apolitical, mobilized through well-attended demonstrations despite the repression, a general strike and multiple street actions solidarity chains women dressed in white and carrying flowers, horns for motorists, etc. Civil society, whose absence the Belarusian opposition had long lamented, has revealed itself and the world. An unexpected geopolitical challenge The electoral deadline was to take place in an international context rather than favorable to Lukashenko. If the freedoms given by the 1994 Constitution during the multiple parodies of electoral consultations that his government organized have long earned it strong criticism from Western countries, accompanied by a series of sanctions, the situation had calmed down these last years. His return to favor with the international community was linked to his skillful mediation position during the Ukrainian crisis, and to a few gestures of openness towards the political opposition which allowed the lifting of European sanctions and the initiation of some cooperation projects with the EU.
Thus, the main regional players appeared relatively neutral ahead of the election. This caution was completely understandable given the dramatic consequences of the Ukrainian crisis. The EU sought above all to avoid provoking Russia so as not to give it the pretext to intervene militarily, but also not to jeopardize the path towards normalization which is looming in Russian-European relations. No one had an interest in the emergence of a new hotbed of instability in Europe. This new "revolution of dignity" has launched an unexpected challenge as much to the EU, absorbed in the management of the coronavirus crisis, and the Brexit, as to Russia, plunged into the economic crisis following the fall in prices of the oil. EU authorities responded first with a call to end the violence and recount the votes, followed by threats of sanctions against the regime and a proposal for mediation. The demand by the leaders of many Western countries, primarily Poland and the Baltic States, to hold new elections has prompted Lukashenko to turn around and return to the classic Western plot scenario.
В Беларуси заблокирован оппозиционный сайт «Хартия'97»
Недавно органы прокуратуры проанализировали информационные сообщения, размещенные в еще девяти чатах и каналах мессенджера Telegram , и нашли в них «призывы к массовым беспорядкам, хулиганским действиям, применению насилия в отношении сотрудников правоохранительных органов в целях воспрепятствования их законной деятельности». В Генпрокуратуре сообщили, что там «также размещалась информация оскорбительного характера, разжигающая социальную вражду и рознь». В итоге органы прокуратуры подготовили и направили в суды заявления о признании информационной продукции, размещенной в указанных источниках, экстремистскими материалами.
The possibilities of supervising the electoral process were greatly reduced: the only foreign observation mission was the one delegated to the CIS Interparliamentary Assembly the counter-model of the OSCE missions , and the access of independent observers at polling stations was deliberately made very difficult. Besides, the early voting procedure, regularly denounced as a major tool for forgery, was launched five days before the official date of August 9. On election night, in anticipation of protests, an imposing repressive apparatus was mobilized in the capital. The outburst of violence by law enforcement officials against protesters far exceeded that of 2010.
However, despite all these means used to avoid media coverage and dismiss any attempt to challenge the results, the election exposed the growing unpopularity of the president and the weariness of a large part of the population ready to mobilize to support a complete unknown as soon as it embodies the idea of change. Available soon in English and Russian. It is important to clarify that this is not a politician representing an opposition party. Its brilliant and original campaign on social media and alternative media such as the news portal tut. Their appeal to the three other registered candidates and their pledge to the opposition parties to withdraw in favor of a single candidacy against Lukashenko was not followed up. Moreover, the attempt to nominate a single candidate representing all opposition parties and movements in the primaries organized in February 2020 had already failed.
In the end, it was not the ties to the historic opposition, but the inventiveness and use of new technologies in a country more connected than one might think that made the difference with previous campaigns. His campaign was articulated not around socio-economic issues but demands for political freedom and the rule of law. The percentage of this elderly and predominantly rural electorate has gradually declined, to the benefit of the new, younger, and urban generations. Their demand to restore dignity to the Belarusian people has found a much wider echo than the empty promises of salary increases the president has made, including among his traditional electorate. His clumsy handling of the coronavirus crisis only underscored the archaic nature of his power. In the space of a week, the entire Belarusian population, known until then apolitical, mobilized through well-attended demonstrations despite the repression, a general strike and multiple street actions solidarity chains women dressed in white and carrying flowers, horns for motorists, etc.
Civil society, whose absence the Belarusian opposition had long lamented, has revealed itself and the world. An unexpected geopolitical challenge The electoral deadline was to take place in an international context rather than favorable to Lukashenko. If the freedoms given by the 1994 Constitution during the multiple parodies of electoral consultations that his government organized have long earned it strong criticism from Western countries, accompanied by a series of sanctions, the situation had calmed down these last years. His return to favor with the international community was linked to his skillful mediation position during the Ukrainian crisis, and to a few gestures of openness towards the political opposition which allowed the lifting of European sanctions and the initiation of some cooperation projects with the EU. Thus, the main regional players appeared relatively neutral ahead of the election. This caution was completely understandable given the dramatic consequences of the Ukrainian crisis.
The EU sought above all to avoid provoking Russia so as not to give it the pretext to intervene militarily, but also not to jeopardize the path towards normalization which is looming in Russian-European relations. No one had an interest in the emergence of a new hotbed of instability in Europe. This new "revolution of dignity" has launched an unexpected challenge as much to the EU, absorbed in the management of the coronavirus crisis, and the Brexit, as to Russia, plunged into the economic crisis following the fall in prices of the oil. EU authorities responded first with a call to end the violence and recount the votes, followed by threats of sanctions against the regime and a proposal for mediation. The demand by the leaders of many Western countries, primarily Poland and the Baltic States, to hold new elections has prompted Lukashenko to turn around and return to the classic Western plot scenario. Thus, he suddenly forgot his insinuations about a threat of destabilization from Russia, launched in the middle of the election campaign with the Wagner affair, and called on Vladimir Putin for help.
The country has been moving away politically from Russian orbit since 2014 but remains economically dependent on Russia. On the other hand, a regime change under pressure from the streets in Belarus could give unprecedented impetus to the rise of political protests in Russia on the eve of a regional election which promises to be very tense; and, symbolically, the fall of Lukashenko would presage the inexorable end of Putin. Finally, neither the Belarusian population nor the Russian population favors the scenario of military intervention. Would Putin be ready to take such a decision, with very serious geopolitical and domestic consequences, in the context of economic recession?
Блокировки подвергся не только основной сайт проекта, размещенный в доменной зоне.
Если ресурс находится вне пределов белорусского интернета, Мининформ и Оперативно-аналитический центр ОАЦ Беларуси не обязаны оповещать владельцев сайта о причинах блокировки и претензиях. В декабре 2017 г. Министерство информации заблокировал доступ к ресурсу «Белорусский партизан».
Дело в том, что у органа государственной власти есть такое право, согласно статье 314 ГПК Республики Беларусь. Автор: Курчев Антон Заместитель главного редактора Новости по теме:.
Сайт Charter97.org в социальных сетях
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Хартия-97% — телеграмм канал
Белорусские провайдеры начали блокировку «Хартии-97» и «Белорусского партизана» | декларация, призывающая к демократии в Беларуси, и новостное онлайн-издание, выступающее за права человека, черпающее вдохновение из декларации. |
В Беларуси заблокирован один из популярнейший медийных ресурсов Хартия 97 | «Белорусский партизан» — одно из наиболее популярных оппозиционных СМИ в республике, которое регулярно подвергается блокировке по тем или иным причинам. |
"Хартия’97" признана экстремистским формированием | #казанский #новости #войнавукраине2022 #новостиукраины #новини #новинионлайн #новиниукраїни #новости #свежиеновости У своєму відео Денис Казанський @Denis YouTube. |
Экстремистским признан Telegram-канал "Хартия 97" | Хартия-97%. Ситуация в Беларуси, война в Украине, людская солидарность. |
В Белоруссии был заблокирован оппозиционный сайт «Хартия-97»
В Беларуси признан экстремистским Telegram-канал «Хартия-97%» | Белорусские нов сохранено 8 май 2020 12:24:16 UTC. постоянно в течение дня. Подписывайтесь одним нажатием! |
Belarus Partisan - Belarusian News | Политика и новости из Беларуси. Ежедневно на трех языках. |
Хартия 97 | ВКонтакте | «Хартия’97» — новостной интернет-портал. Публикации доступны на трех языках: английском, русском, белорусском. Назван по аналогии с Хартией 77. Создан Олегом Бебениным. |
"Хартия'97" (сайт) - последние новости сегодня и главные события по теме - Sputnik Беларусь | Смотрите новые видео в TikTok (тикток) на тему #хартия97. |