Адольф Гитлер (1889-1945) был диктатором Германии с 1933 по 1945 годы и является одним из ключевых персонажей Второй мировой войны. Выражение “Гитлер капут” имеет хорошие шансы навсегда выветриться из коллективной памяти немцев. Сравнение речи Гитлера и Путина найдены поразительные 3. причем в оригинале, русский перевод с купюрами я уже. Полный текст обращения Гитлера от 22 июня 1941 года, в котором он разъяснял для немецкого народа причины нападения Германии на СССР: Немецкий народ!
Речь Гитлера после воссоединения Австрии с Германией
Hofbrauhaus interior where Hitler spoke National Socialist German Workers Party Public meeting in the Great Hall of the Hofbräuhaus Friday 15 August 1920 Adolf Hitler ~~Why We Are Antisemites~~ Translation from German by Hasso Castrup (Copenhagen, Denmark), January, 2013, exclusively for. Главная» Новости» Выступление гитлера про евреев. Адольф Гитлер — немецкий политик и оратор, основоположник и центральная фигура.
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Фразы на немецком Гитлера — история и значения
Nevertheless, I have never ceased to uphold the view that the necessity of a free access to the sea for the Polish State cannot be ignored, and that as a general principle, valid for this case, too, nations which Providence has destined or, if you like, condemned to live side by side would be well advised not to make life still harder for each other artificially and unnecessarily. The late Marshal Pilsudski, who was of the same opinion, was therefore prepared to go into the question of clarifying the atmosphere of German-Polish relations, and, finally, to conclude an agreement whereby Germany and Poland expressed their intention of renouncing war altogether as a means of settling the questions which concerned them both. This agreement contained one single exception which was in practice conceded to Poland. It was laid down that the pacts of mutual assistance already entered into by Poland-this applied to the pact with France- should not be affected by the agreement. But it was obvious that this could apply only to the pact of mutual assistance already concluded beforehand, and not to whatever new pacts might be concluded in the future. It is a fact that the German-Polish Agreement resulted in a remarkable lessening of the European tension.
Nevertheless, there remained one open question between Germany and Poland, which sooner or later quite naturally had to be solved-the question of the German city of Danzig. Danzig is a German city and wishes to belong to Germany. On the other hand, this city has contracts with Poland, which were admittedly forced upon it by the dictators of the Peace of Versailles. But since, moreover, the League of Nations, formerly the greatest stirrer-up of trouble, is now represented by a High Commissioner-incidentally a man of extraordinary tact-the problem of Danzig must in any case come up for discussion, at the latest with the gradual extinction of this calamitous institution. I regarded the peaceful settlement of this problem as a further contribution to a final loosening of the European tension.
For this loosening of the tension is assuredly not to be achieved through the agitations of insane warmongers, but through the removal of the real elements of danger. After the problem of Danzig had already been discussed several times some months ago, I made a concrete offer to the Polish Government. I now make this offer known to you, Gentlemen, and you yourselves will judge whether this offer did not represent the greatest imaginable concession in the interests of European peace. As I have already pointed out, I have always seen the necessity of an access to the sea for this country, and have consequently taken this necessity into consideration. I am no democratic statesman, but a National Socialist and a realist.
I considered it, however, necessary to make it clear to the Government in Warsaw that just as they desire access to the sea, so Germany needs access to her province in the east. Now these are all difficult problems.
Данциг был — и есть германский город. Коридор был — и есть германский. Обе эти территории по их культурному развитию принадлежат исключительно германскому народу. Данциг был отнят у нас, Коридор был аннексирован Польшей. Как и на других германских территориях на востоке, со всеми немецким населением, проживающим там, обращались всё хуже и хуже. Более чем миллион немцев в 1919-20 годах были отрезаны от их родины. Как всегда, я пытался мирным путём добиться пересмотра, изменения этого невыносимого положения.
Это — ложь, когда либеральный мир говорит, что мы хотим добиться перемен силой.
Я создал … совершенно новое движение. Движение, которое с самого своего зарождения и вопреки всем явлениям распада в окружавшей его действительности вновь созидало народную общность. Лишь в этом случае государство способно полноценно выполнять свои социальные обязательства.
Истинную ценность любому движению придают только люди. Люди, которые, руководствуясь смыслом этого движения, воплощают его идеи в жизнь. Речь 07. Речь 05.
В структурах, которым принадлежит реальная власть, под «свободой» подразумевается их возможность грабить широкие массы населения, без каких-либо ограничений, и не встречая хоть сколько-нибудь серьезного сопротивления. Речь 28. Инструменты финансового еврейства. Речь 21.
Герой стал презираем, трус — почитаем; добросовестность оказалась наказуема, нерадивость — вознаграждаема. Приличного человека уже не ждало ничего, кроме насмешек; опустившийся же, наоборот, стал образцом для подражания. Сила стала вызывать осуждение, слабость — восхищение. Полноценность человеческой личности перестала что-либо значить.
Ее место заняло количество, численность, то есть восторжествовала неполноценность, ущербность. Степень бессовестности в обливании грязью исторического прошлого стала сравнима разве что со степенью беззаботности в отречении от исторического будущего для своего народа.
Roosevelt von dieser Erde weggenommen hat, wird sich die Wende des Krieges entscheiden. April 1945; bei John Toland: Adolf Hitler. Bergisch Gladbach 1977, S. April 1945, s. Gedichte Band 5, Suhrkamp 1964 S. Bechtle 1968. Ich denke, die Journalisten zeigten schlechten Geschmack, als sie den Mann der Stunde in Deutschland kritisierten.
April 1931, S. Er spricht scharf gegen Rosenberg.
Полный текст обращения Гитлера к немецкому народу 22 июня 1941 года
Главная» Новости» Выступления адольфа гитлера. Речь Гитлера в бункере перед генералами. Оригинальные немецкие субтитры без изменений, как говорят в фильме, и дословный перевод субтитров на русский язык. 1 00:00:00,000 --> 00:00:04,900 Ob du meine Arbeit für richtig hältst, 2 00:00:05,000 --> 00:00:08,990 ob du glaubst, dass ich fleißig gewesen bin, dass ich gearbeitet habe. 3 00:00:09,000 --> 00:00:11,900 dass ich mich in diesen Jahren für dich eingesetzt habe, 4 00:00:12,000 --> 00:00:16,990 dass ich. Главная» Новости» Слова гитлера на немецком.
Обращение Адольфа Гитлера к германскому народу 22 июня 1941
Ни один француз не может встать и сказать, что какой-нибудь француз, живущий в Сааре, угнетён, замучен, или лишен своих прав. Никто не может сказать такого. Однако не прав окажется тот, кто станет расценивать мою любовь к миру и мое терпение как слабость или даже трусость. Поэтому я принял решение и вчера вечером проинформировал британское правительство, что в этих обстоятельствах я не вижу готовности со стороны польского правительства вести серьезные переговоры с нами. Я добьюсь, чтобы на восточной границе воцарился мир, такой же, как на остальных наших границах. Для этого я предприму необходимые меры, не противоречащие предложениям, сделанным мною в Рейхстаге для всего мира, то есть, я не буду воевать против женщин и детей. Я приказал, чтобы мои воздушные силы ограничились атаками на военные цели. Если, однако, враг решит, что это даёт ему карт-бланш, чтобы вести войну всеми средствами, то получит сокрушающий зубодробительный ответ.
Reichstag Speech, May 21, 1935. I should like them to realise that it is unreasonable to try and bring these historical realities into opposition with the demands of their vital interests and to their understandable claims to live. I would therefore like the German people to understand the inner motives of National Socialist foreign policy, which finds it painful that the outlet to the sea of a people of 35 millions is situated on territory formerly belonging to the Reich, but which recognises that it is unreasonable and impossible to deny a State of such a size as this any outlet to the sea at all. I merely recall our agreement with Poland, which has worked out to the advantage of both sides …. And to my own fellow-citizens I would say that the Polish nation and the Polish State have also become a reality …. The peoples of these States i. This good work, which had been doubted by so many at the time, has meanwhile stood the test, and I may say that, since the League of Nations finally gave up its perpetual attempts to unsettle Danzig and appointed in the new commissioner a man of great personal attainments, this most dangerous spot from the point of view of European peace has entirely lost its menacing character. The Polish State respects the national conditions in this State, and both the city of Danzig and Germany respect Polish rights. And so the way to a friendly understanding has been successfully paved, an understanding which, starting from Danzig, has to-day succeeded in spite of the attempts of certain mischief-makers in finally taking the poison out of the relations between Germany and Poland and transforming them into a sincere, friendly co-operation. There was a danger that Poles and Germans would regard each other as hereditary enemies.
I wanted to prevent this. I know well enough that I should not have been successful if Poland had had a democratic Constitution. For these democracies which indulge in phrases about peace are the most bloodthirsty war agitators. In Poland there ruled no democracy, but a man; and with him I succeeded, in precisely twelve months, in coming to an agreement which, for ten years in the first instance, entirely removed the danger of a conflict. We are all convinced that this agreement will bring lasting pacification. We realise that here are two peoples which must live together and neither of which can do away with the other. A people of 33 millions will always strive for an outlet to the sea. A way for understanding, then, had to be found; it has been found; and it will be ever further extended.
Национал социализм Гитлер. Гитлер о коммунизме. Высказывание Геббельса о бандеровцах. Высказывание Геббельса об украинцах. Высказывания Гитлера о украинцах. Геббельс о русских и украинцах. Гитлер с русскими. Гитлер в Москве. Гитлер был хорошим. Гитлер был русским. Евреи богоизбранный народ. Высшая раса. Гитлер и Моисей. Богоизбранный народ славяне. Высказывания фашистов. Изречения Гитлера о евреях. Афоризмы Гитлера. Гитлер мы тогда победим Россию. Гитлер украинец. Гитлер о белоруссах и украинцах. Россия победила. Мудрые цитаты Гитлера. Гитлер Великий человек. Самые известные высказывания Гитлера. Цитаты про фашизм. Чубайс Гитлер. Цитаты Адольфа Гитлера о славянах. Гитлер 1941 речь. Недочеловеки Гиммлер. Фразы о фашизме. Высказывания о бандеровцах. Гитлер социалист. Гитлер мы могли бы назваться либеральной партией. Мы могли бы назвать себя либеральной партией Гитлер. Адольф Гитлер еврей. Высказывания Гитлера о евреях. Адольф Гитлер цитаты про евреев. Приколы про Гитлера и Сталина. Фюрер всея Руси. Путинская Россия и гитлеровская Германия. Сравнение Путина и Гитлера.
In view of the declarations which we have made in the past and in view of the existing state of affairs, I cannot quite clearly see why Germany should consider herself isolated or why we should pursue a policy of isolation. From the economic standpoint there are no grounds for asserting that Germany is withdrawing from international cooperation. The contrary is the truth. On looking over the speeches which several statesmen have made within the last few months, I find that they might easily give rise to the impression that the whole world is waiting to shower economic favors on Germany but that we, who are represented as obstinately clinging to a policy of isolation, do not wish to partake of those favors To place this whole matter in its true light, I should like to call attention to the following bare facts: — 1 For many years the German people have been trying to make better commercial treaties with their neighbors. And these efforts have not been in vain; for, as a matter of fact, German foreign trade has increased since 1932, both in volume and in value. This is the clearest refutation of the assertion that Germany is pursuing a policy of economic isolation. Credit manipulation may perhaps have a temporary effect, but in the long run economic international relations will be decisively influenced by the volume of mutual exchange of goods. And here the state of affairs at the present moment is not such that the outside world would be able to place huge orders with us or offer prospects of an increase in the exchange of goods even if we were to fulfil the most extraordinary conditions that they might lay down. Matters should not be made more complicated than they already are. But Germany cannot be blamed for these two things, and especially not National Socialist Germany. When we assumed power the world economic crisis was worse than it is today. I fear however that I must interpret Mr. Therefore I wish it to be clearly understood that our decision to carry out this plan is unalterable. The reasons which led to that decision were inexorable. And since then I have not been able to discover anything whatsoever that might induce us to discontinue the four years plan. I shall take only one practical example: In carrying out the four years plan our synthetic production of rubber and petrol will necessitate an annual increase in our consumption of coal by a margin of something between 20 and 30 million tons. This means that an extra quota of thousands of coal miners are assured of employment for the rest of their active lives. I must really take the liberty of asking this question: Supposing we abondon [sic] the German four years plan, then what statesman can guarantee me some economic equivalent or other, outside of the Reich, for these thirty million tons of coal? I want bread and work for my people. And certainly I do not wish to have it through the operation of credit guarantees, but through solid and permanent lab our, the products of which I can either exchange for foreign goods or for domestic goods in our internal commercial circulation. If by some manipulation or other Germany were to throw these 20 or 30 million tons of coal annually on the international market for the future, the result would be that the coal exports of other countries would have to decrease. I do not know if a British statesman, for example, could face such a contingency without realizing how serious it would be for his own nation. And yet that is the state of affairs. Germany has an enormous number of men who not only want to work but also to eat. And the standard of living among our people is high. I cannot build the future of the German nation on the assurances of a foreign statesman or on any international help, but only on the real basis of a steady production, for which I must find a market at home or abroad. Perhaps my skepticism in these matters leads me to differ from the British Foreign Secretary in regard to the optimistic tone of his statements. I mean here that if Europe does not awaken to the danger of the Bolshevic infection, then I fear that international commerce will not increase but decrease, despite all the good intentions of individual statesmen. For this commerce is based not only on the undisturbed and guaranteed stability of production in one individual nation but also on the production of all the nations together. One of the first things which is clear in this matter is that every Bolshevic disturbance must necessarily lead to a more or less permanent destruction of orderly production. Therefore my opinion about the future of Europe is, I am sorry to say, not so optimistic as Mr. I am the responsible leader of the German people and must safeguard its interests in this world as well as I can. And therefore I am bound to judge things objectively as I see them. I should not be acquitted before the bar of our history if I neglected something—no matter on what grounds—which is necessary to maintain the existence of this people. I am pleased, and we are all pleased, at every increase that takes place in our foreign trade. But in view of the obscure political situation I shall not neglect anything that is necessary to guarantee the existence of the German people, although other nations may become the victims of the Bolshevic infection. And I must also repudiate the suggestion that this view is the outcome of mere fancy. For the following is certainly true: The British Foreign Secretary opens out theoretical prospects of existence to us, whereas in reality what is happening is totally different. The revolutionizing of Spain, for instance, has driven out 15. Should this revolutionizing of Spain spread to other European countries then these damages would not be lessened but increased. I also am a responsible statesman and I must take such possibilities into account. Therefore it is my unalterable determination so to organize German lab our that it will guarantee the maintenance of my people. Eden may rest assured that we shall utilize every possibility offered us of strengthening our economic relations with other nations, but also that we shall avail ourselves of every possibility to improve and enrich the circulation of our own internal trade. I must ask also whether the grounds for assuming that Germany is pursuing a policy of isolation are to be found in the fact that we have left he League of Nations. If such be the grounds, then I would point out that the Geneva League has never been a real League of peoples. A number of great nations do not belong to it or have left it. And nobody has on this account asserted that they were following a policy of isolation. I think therefore that on this point Mr. Eden misunderstands our intentions and views. For nothing is farther from our wishes than to break off or weaken our political or economic relations with other nations. I have already tried to contribute towards bringing about a good understanding in Europe and I have often given, especially to the British people and their Government, assurance of how ardently we wish for a sincere and cordial cooperation with them. I admit that on one point there is a wide difference between the views of the British Foreign Secretary and our views; and here it seems to me that this is a gap which cannot be filled up. Eden declares that under no circumstances does the British Government wish to see Europe torn into two halves. Unfortunately, this desire for unity has not hitherto been declared or listened to. And now the desire is an illusion. For the fact is that the division into two halves, not only of Europe but also of the whole world, is an accomplished fact. It is to be regretted that the British Government did not adopt its present attitude at an earlier date, that under all circumstances a division of Europe must be avoided; for then the Treaty of Versailles would not have been entered into. This Treaty brought in the first division of Europe, namely a division of the nations into victors on the one side and vanquished on the other, the latter nations being outlawed. Through this division of Europe nobody suffered more than the German people. That this division was wiped out, so far as concerns Germany, is essentially due to the National Socialist Revolution and this brings some credit to myself. The second division has been brought about by the proclamation of the Bolshevic doctrine, an integral feature of which is that they do not confine it to one nation but try to impose it on all the nations. Here it is not a question of a special form of national life in Russia but of the Bolshevic demand for a world revolution. If Mr. Eden does not look at Bolshevism as we look at it, that may have something to do with the position of Great Britain and also with some happenings that are unknown to us. But I believe that nobody will question the sincerity of our opinions on this matter, for they are not based merely on abstract theory. For Mr. Eden Bolshevism is perhaps a thing which has its seat in Moscow, but for us in Germany this Bolshevism is a pestilence against which we have had to struggle at the cost of much bloodshed. It is a pestilence which tried to turn our country into the same kind of desert as is now the case in Spain; for the habit of murdering hostages began here, in the form in which we now see it in Spain. National Socialism did not try to come to grips with Bolshevism in Russia, but the Jewish international Bolshevics in Moscow have tried to introduce their system into Germany and are still trying to do so. Against this attempt we have waged a bitter struggle, not only in defence of our own civilization but in defence of European civilization as a whole. In January and February of the year 1933, when the last decisive struggle against this barbarism was being fought out in Germany, had Germany been defeated in that struggle and had the Bolshevic field of destruction and death extended over Central Europe, then perhaps a different opinion would have arisen on the banks of the Thames as to the nature of this terrible menace to humanity. For since it is said that England must be defended on the frontier of the Rhine she would then have found herself in close contact with that harmless democratic world of Moscow, whose innocence they are always trying to impress upon us. Here I should like to state the following once again: — The teaching of Bolshevism is that there must be a world revolution, which would mean world-destruction. If such a doctrine were accepted and given equal rights with other teachings in Europe, this would mean that Europe would be delivered over to it. As far as Germany itself is concerned, let there be no doubts on the following points: — 1 We look on Bolshevism as a world peril for which there must be no toleration. It is in accordance with this attitude of ours that we should avoid close contact with the carriers of these poisonous bacilli. And that is also the reason why we do not want to have any closer relations with them beyond the necessary political and commercial relations; for if we went beyond these we might thereby run the risk of closing the eyes of our people to the danger itself. I consider Bolshevism the most malignant poison that can be given to a people. And therefore I do not want my own people to come into contact with this teaching. As a citizen of this nation I myself shall not do what I should have to condemn my fellow-citizens for doing. I demand from every German workman that he shall not have any relations with these international mischief-makers and he shall never see me clinking glasses or rubbing shoulders with them. Moreover, any further treaty connections with the present Bolshevic Russia would be completely worthless for us. It is out of the question to think that National Socialist Germany should ever be bound to protect Bolshevism or that we, on our side, should ever agree to accept the assistance of a Bolshevic State. For I fear that the moment any nation should agree to accept such assistance, it would thereby seal its own doom. I must also say here that I do not accept the opinion which holds that in the moment of peril the League of nations could come to the rescue of the member States and hold them up by the arms, as it were. Eden stated in his last address that deeds and not speeches are what matters. On that point I should like to call attention to the fact that up to now the outstanding feature of the League of Nations has been talk rather than action. There was one exception and in that case it would probably have been better to have been content with talk. In this one case, as might have been foreseen, action was fruitless. Hence, just as I have been forced by economic circumstances to depend on our own resources principally for the maintenance of my people, so also I have been forced in the political sphere. And we ourselves are not to blame for that. Three times I have made concrete offers for armament restriction or at least armament limitation. These offers were rejected. In this connection I may recall the fact that the greatest offer which I then made was that Germany and France together should reduce their standing armies to 300,000 men; that Germany, Great Britain and France, should bring down their air force to parity and that Germany and Great Britain should conclude a naval agreement. Only the last offer was accepted and it was the only contribution in the world to a real limitation of armaments. The other German proposals were either flatly refused or were answered by the conclusion of those alliances which gave Central Europe to Soviet Russia as the field of play for its gigantic forces. Eden speaks of German armaments and expects a limitation of these armaments. We ourselves proposed this limitation long ago. But it had no effect because, instead of accepting our proposal, treaties were made whereby the greatest military power in the world was, according to the terms of the treaties and in fact, introduced into Central Europe. In speaking of armaments it would be well to mention in the first instance the armaments possessed by that Power which sets the standard for the armaments of all others. Eden believes that in the future all States should possess only the armament which is necessary for their de fence. I do not know whether and how far Mr. Eden has sounded Moscow on the question of carrying that excellent idea into effect, and I do not know what assurances they have given from that quarter. I think however that I ought to put forward one point in this connection. Each nation has the right to judge this for itself, and it alone has the right. If therefore Great Britain today decides for herself on the extent of her armaments everybody in Germany will understand her action; for we can only think of London alone as being competent to decide on what is necessary for the protection of the British Empire. On the other hand I should like to insist that the estimate of our protective needs, and thus of the armament that is necessary for the de fence of our people, is within our own competency and can be decided only in Berlin. I believe that the general recognition of these principles will not render conditions more difficult but will help to release tension. Anyhow Germany is pleased at having found friends in Italy and Japan who hold the same views as ourselves and we should be still more pleased if these convictions were widespread in Europe. Therefore nobody welcomed more cordially than we did the manifest lessening of tension in the Mediterranean, brought about by the Anglo-Italian agreement. We believe that this will first of all lead to an understanding which may put a stop to, or at least limit, the catastrophe from which poor Spain is suffering. Germany has no interests in that country except the care of those commercial relations which Mr. Eden himself declares to be so important and useful. Our sympathies with General Franco and his Government are in the first place of a general nature and, secondly, they arise from a hope that the consolidation of a real National Spain may lead to a strengthening of economic possibilities in Europe. We are ready to do everything which in any way may contribute towards the restoration of order in Spain. But I think that the following considerations should not be left out of account: — During the last hundred years a number of new nations have been created in Europe which formerly, because of their disunion and weakness, were of only small economic importance and of no political importance at all. Through the establishment of these new States new tensions have naturally arisen. True statesmanship however must face realities and not shirk them. The Italian nation and the new Italian State are realities. The German nation and the German Reich are likewise realities. And for my my own fellow citizens I should like to state that the Polish nation and the Polish State have also become realities. Also in the Balkans nations have reawakened and have built their own States. The people who belong to those States want to live and they will live. The unreasonable division of the world into nations that have and nations that have not will not remove or solve that problem, no more than the internal social problems of the nations can be simply solved through more or less clever phrases. For thousands of years the nations asserted their vital claims by the use of power. If in our time some other institution is to take the place of this power for the purpose or regulating relations between the peoples, then it must take account of natural vital claims and decide accordingly. It is the task of the League of Nations only to guarantee the existing state of the world and to safeguard it for all time, then we might just as well entrust it with the task of regulating the ebb and flow of the tides or directing the Gulf Stream into a definite course for the future. But the League of Nations will not be able to do the one or the other. The continuance of its existence will in the long run depend on the extent to which it realize that the necessary reforms which concern international relations must be carefully considered and put into practice. The German people once built up a colonial Empire without robbing anyone and without violating any treaty. And they did so without any war. That colonial Empire was taken away from us. And the grounds on which it was sought to excuse this act are not tenable. First: It was said that the natives did not want to belong to Germany. Who asked them if they wished to belong to some other Power? And when were these natives ever asked if they had been contented with the Power that formerly ruled them?
Adolf Hitler
| Цитаты гитлера на немецком с переводом. Немецкие крылатые выражения в русском языке | On September 12, 1938, Adolf Hitler, Chancellor of the Reich, addressed the German Reichstag. That morning, The German Reich had crossed the German-Czech frontier, thus initiating the Invasion of Czechoslovakia. Delegates, Men of the German Reichstag! For months we have been suffering under. |
| служба утерянных цитат - 9: labas — LiveJournal | Известные цитаты Гитлера (100 цитат). |
| Фразы на немецком Гитлера: известные высказывания великого диктатора | Адольф Гитлер — немецкий политик и оратор, основоположник и центральная фигура национал-социализма, основатель тоталитарной диктатуры Третьего рейха, глава Национал-социалистической немецкой рабочей п Смотрите видео онлайн «Адольф Гитлер цитаты и. |
| Знаменитые слова гитлера на немецком | Heil Hitler! — «да здравствует Гитлер, слава Гитлеру» (обычно передаётся по-русски как Хайль Гитлер) или просто нем. |
| Цитаты Гитлера - Буридо | Сравнение речи Гитлера и Путина найдены поразительные 3. |
Meine Ehre heißt Treue
- Adolf Hitler: Speech at Krupp Factory in Germany (1935) | British Pathé
- Смотрим вместе, и я даю свой лексический и грамматический комментарий
- Адольф Гитлер цитаты
- Новое в блогах
- Борец против массовой эвтаназии
- Борец против массовой эвтаназии
Адольф Гитлер Фразы На Немецком Скачать mp3
Цитаты Гитлера все скажут сами за себя. Известные цитаты Гитлера (100 цитат). On September 12, 1938, Adolf Hitler, Chancellor of the Reich, addressed the German Reichstag. That morning, The German Reich had crossed the German-Czech frontier, thus initiating the Invasion of Czechoslovakia. Delegates, Men of the German Reichstag! For months we have been suffering under. Heil Hitler! — «да здравствует Гитлер, слава Гитлеру» (обычно передаётся по-русски как Хайль Гитлер) или просто нем. Речь Гитлера в бункере перед генералами. Оригинальные немецкие субтитры без изменений, как говорят в фильме, и дословный перевод субтитров на русский язык.
Adolf Hitler Issues Comment on the "Jewish Question"
Главная» Новости» Цитаты гитлера на немецком. I would like to find all Hitler speeches in original German, but the more I look, the less I find. Sure there are a few here and there, but his complete speeches in German are nowhere to find. I did find a full text on , (linked to also in this answer) but sadly that is only in English. Also the search. Adolf Hitler beeinflusste die Geschichte des 20. Jahrhunderts auf schreckliche Weise. Doch wie wurde er zum Diktator, der die Welt mit einem verheerenden Krieg und dem Holocaust in eine Katastrophe stürzte? This list is incomplete; you can help by adding missing items. (February 2011). Известные цитаты Гитлера (100 цитат).